| Author(s) | Karl Marx |
|---|---|
| Written | 2 December 1851 |
This letter, the beginning of which has not survived, and the one written between 15 and 22 August 1851 (see this volume, pp. 426-33) and also sent by Marx to Ebner, show that Marx intended to use the Frankfurt journalist's connections with a view to publishing in the German press material denouncing the pseudo-revolutionary schemes of the petty-bourgeois emigrant leaders. Both letters fell into the hands of the Austrian police through the secret police agent Ebner (see Note 466) - MECW Note
To Hermann Ebner in Frankfurt am Main
[London, 2 December 1851]
...You know that Mr Kinkel is continuing his tour of the United States.[1] So far he has raised some 12,000 dollars, but has taken very good care not to give any inkling of the true party positions of the various emigre fractions, as you will realise if only from the fact that he even addresses himself to personal friends of mine and has even inveigled them into collaborating with him. He has sent the press the following fatuous manifesto:
* To the friends of the People
'The shameful tyranny and injustice of the German despots have reached the highest point. Every free institution gained during the revolutionary struggle of 1848, has been destroyed by the brutal power of the Monarchs. The time has arrived when it becomes a right as well as a duty of the oppressed people to draw their swords and fight for the most sacred rights which the supreme being has granted all men alike. The hatred against the despots who cowardly murder or imprison every man, whoever raised his arm or tongue for a republican reform and for the freedom of the downtrodden, is on the point of a tremendous outbreak, and it is most likely that next spring the sun will rise over the most desperate struggle ever waged by men against their oppressors. Italy will set the ball in motion, until tyranny is swept away and liberty proclaimed in every province of the Old World. America having set the noble example in 1776, Europe is ready to follow in the footsteps of her young and noble sister on Columbia's shores. To bring about this much desired aim, more especially in Germany, the leading German republicans (?), now refugees in London, have united for the purpose of creating a national loan, with the promise to use every effort, after the establishment of the republic, to liquidate the same with full interest. All friends of liberty in this country are now called upon to lend their willing aid for this purpose. Without money nothing can be accomplished. It rests in a high degree with the sympathisers of Republicanism whether the project shall be accomplished.
'Baltimore, October, 1851. Dr. G. Kinkel. In behalf of the London Committee.' *
In the United States Mr Gottfried found only one ardent adversary, namely K. Heinzen, who represents the Ruge-Fickler clique. But the enmity of a base blusterer like Heinzen cannot but be beneficial to anyone against whom it is directed. Among those who figure publicly as guarantors of Kinkel's loan are the 3 Prussian ex-lieutenants, Schimmelpfennig, Willich, Techow, the studiosus[2] Schurz, Count Oskar Reichenbach and the mediocre Berlin literatus, Meyen. Privately, however, Kinkel has also secured the signature of Löwe of Calbe (better named Kalb of Löwe[3] ), ex-President of the Imperial Rump Parliament in Stuttgart.[4] This Löwe is in possession of a document from Stuttgart empowering him to convene the Imperial Parliament when and where he will. To Kinkel, who hopes to move into Germany as provisional government, the accaparation[5] of this man, in order to place his 'rule' on a 'legal basis', was therefore of moment.
The second secret guarantor is Dr d'Ester. His numerous creditors in Germany will assuredly learn with satisfaction that he is guaranteeing the interest on Kinkel's 2 million loan and that, as Finance Minister, he will at the same time administer the 20,000 dollars so far received. Mr d'Ester, as a country doctor in Switzerland, intends to go on fleecing the peasants (he is said to be in better circumstances there than in Cologne where he was swamped, not by patients, but by debts) while at the same time keeping a foot in the great door that leads to the heaven of revolutionary government. That is why he would give his guarantee only under the seal of secrecy. It could do no harm if he were compelled to advocate in public what he is, after his usual fashion, 'adumbrating in private'.[6]
From the material once sent to you by Freiligrath[7] you will be familiar enough with Mr Gottfried Kinkel's character. Hence it will not surprise you to learn that 'lies' were his 'chief' and, come to that, his sole recourse in the United States. Thus a friend writes, inter alia:
'Kinkel is vigorously coquetting with Ledru-Rollin who has promised some esteemed friends from Germany that, as soon as Kinkel takes over the helm and, with him, Löwe, he will send armies across the border to wage a war of propaganda. Kinkel, he says, will establish contact with Mazzini as soon as he is flush and thereby (!) has become his equal (!).'
Now, as you know, Ledru maintains contact with the committee hostile to Kinkel, and he sent Kinkel's emissary away with a flea in his ear. But as for Mazzini, the following will be explanation enough: Some 14-15 months ago the great Gottfried Kinkel sent the very insignificant Prussian ex-lieutenant Schimmelpfennig to Mazzini to say that he, Schimmelpfennig, would be undertaking a missionary tour of Germany on Kinkel's behalf. For this, much was wanting, money included. Mazzini gave him 1,000 fr. in cash, and 4,000 fr. in Mazzinian government bonds on condition that the 1,000 fr. be paid back without 12 months and half the placed government bonds within the same period. Schimmelpfennig returned from Germany where he had downed a great many bottles of wine but scarcely one 'tyrant'. The 12 months went by. Whoever may have visited Mazzini, it was not Kinkel or Kinkel's emissary. A few weeks later this same Schimmelpfennig again presented himself to Mazzini, not in order to pay up, but rather to invite Mazzini yet again to ally himself with Gottfried. For Gottfried had just received £160 sterling from New Orleans and since, in his view, only a few more pounds were needed to make him a 'great man', he now believed himself to be Mazzini's equal. Mazzini was of a different opinion and declared that he had his own people (Ruge & Co.) in Germany and that he would have none of Mr Gottfried's alliance. Kinkel, however, is imperturbable and profondément convaincu[8] that, if £160 were still not enough to make him Mazzini's 'equal', this miracle could not fail to be effected by 20,000 dollars. Blessed are they that ... have believed.[9]
Kinkel's success in the United States is explained partly by the fact that he was no less hazy about the movement than the masses over there, and hence is sympathetic to them, and partly by his lies and prevarications about what he really stands for. Messrs Kinkel & Co. want to elect a revolutionary committee of 7 men, each of whom will be given a special ministry, e.g. d'Ester finance, Kinkel the ministry of rhetoric and higher politics, Techow ministry of war, Willich minister for requisitioning, at which he is a past master, Meyen minister for education, etc. One of the seven will occupy a seat on one of these committees in order to keep the supreme body, the Septarchy, thoroughly posted on everything. Exactly after the pattern of the French provisional government, you see, except that the Septarchy have their seat outside Germany while their people consists of a club[10] 50-100 strong.
Mr Kinkel has expressly stated that he will not use for the support of refugees the money raised in America. He has actually entered into an obligation to that effect. As you will understand, this is no more than a way of dodging the obligation to allow inferior refugees to share the cash, and of gobbling it up oneself instead. This is already happening now and, as the hoard increases, will happen to an ever greater extent, and in the following way:
1. The 7 septarchs and their 7 ministries, i.e. all the creatures of Kinkel, Willich, etc., must be paid, and thus these gentlemen, on the pretext of working for the revolution, secure for themselves the lion's share of the funds. Mr Willich, for one, who for the past two years has been living here by public begging.
2. The gentlemen publish lithographed reports and distribute them free to the newspapers. A further share of the funds goes to those wretched literati, Meyen, Oppenheim, studiosus Schurz, etc., for their services as writers.
3. Others of the great men such as Schimmelpfennig, Schurz, etc., receive further payment as 'emissaries'.
Thus, you see, the whole plan has a twofold aim: to exclude the mass of exceedingly needy refugees (workers, etc.) from a share in the funds and, on the other hand, to provide Mr Kinkel and his creatures with safe, and at the same time politically profitable, sinecures, all this on the pretext of using the money solely for revolutionary purposes. It would certainly be very fitting if these financial speculations, cooked up by studiosus Schurz, were brought to the knowledge of the public at large.
Before I close, I have a few brief comments to make about Kossuth. Kossuth gave evidence of considerable talent and generally showed tact in handling the British public. However, the situation was not as simple as the man from the East had supposed. On the one hand he fawned over-much on the MIDDLE-CLASS and was oriental in his praise of institutions such as, for example, the City of London and its municipal constitution which even The Times castigates daily as PUBLIC NUISANCES. On the other hand he has made an enemy of the Chartist party which, through its most talented representative, Ernest Jones, is attacking him with all the virulence they might accord a Haynau. And it was, indeed, tactless of Kossuth, after forbidding all demonstrations of partisanship, to turn partisan himself. Finally Kossuth has become convinced that enthusiasm and ready cash are in inverse proportion to one another. So far, no amount of enthusiasm for his loan has succeeded in bringing him in more than £800 sterling.
On this occasion our democratic emigration has yet again made a fool of itself as is its wont. Kossuth has not deigned to answer its addresses. That foppishly vain and importunate dwarf, L. Blanc, was lucky enough to receive a reply to his address, but it was a reply in which Kossuth disavowed socialism outright.
I remain your truly
K. Marx