Letter to Friedrich Engels, February 23, 1852


MARX TO ENGELS

IN MANCHESTER

[London,] 23 February [1852]

DEAR Frederic,

I must again chivvy you about the Tribune since I am myself being chivvied daily by Johnson.[1] I would also ask you to send me such documents as you may have received from Weydemeyer. The address you gave for Weydemeyer was perfectly correct.

Apropos. By Pfänder's account the Straubinger[2] Richter is a creature of Willich's.

E. Jones has been puffing your article for all he is worth without, of course, mentioning your name.[3] He has been compelled thus to cry his wares by competition from Harney who has got hold of some money, the devil knows where from, and has large advertising waggons driving round the CITY, with the legend 'READ THE FRIEND OF THE PEOPLE, the paper being displayed and on sale in all socialist SHOPS.

I shall search out and send you the issue of the Tribune in which Mr Simon blows his own trumpet.[4] The incompetent nincompoop! He still goes on signing himself 'Simon von Trier'. The fellow can't make up his mind to dispense with his parliamentary nobility title. Seiler has read the translation of the crap in the Staatszeitung. You know how garbled his accounts always are. So far as I could gather it went something like this: Ludwig Simon von Trier, speaking on behalf of the Swiss émigrés, treats the great controversy between 'Agitation' (the name used by Ruge and Co. to conceal the dullness of their still-life) and 'Emigration',[5] with the most prodigious pomposity, as Europe's question brûlante from his 'Alpine height'. At this juncture—and here Willich is also cited as a man of the utmost importance, all manner of diffuse reflections being proffered concerning the acquisition of this hero—he comes to the third of the dangerous parties in London, 'the party of imposition, the leaders of which are Engels and Marx. For we seek to impose 'liberty' on the peoples by force. We are worse tyrants than the Emperor of Russia. We were the first to treat 'universal franchise', etc., with 'scorn and contumely'. And even before that, we ruined everything with our 'lust for imposition'. Le pauvre garçon![6] Did we impose the Prussian Emperor,[7] the 'March Associations'[8] or the Imperial Regent Vogt, on the Germans[9] ? On him we shall impose a coup de pied![10] So far as these jackasses are concerned, Bonaparte has lived in vain. They still go on believing in 'universal franchise', and are solely preoccupied with paltry calculations as to how they can again impose their rotten personalities on the German people. One can hardly believe one's ears when one hears the fellows indefatigably bawling out the same old tune again. They are proper blockheads, incorrigible blockheads. As to how the vain little rogue found his way into the Tribune, I am in no doubt. Le citoyen Fröbel aura été l'homme intermédiaire.[11] He has long been connected with Dana.

Enclosed a letter from Reinhardt, which contains some pretty cancans.[12]

Russell has been overthrown in the drollest possible manner.[13] I can ask nothing more than that Derby should take the helm. During this short session you will have seen how pitiable the Manchester men can be when not driven by la force des choses.[14] I don't hold it against these fellows. Each successive democratic victory, e.g. the BALLOT,[15] is a concession which, of course, they make to the workers only en cas d'urgence.[16]

Yesterday I was talking to a French MERCHANT just come from Paris. Business wretched. And do you know what the jackass said? Bonaparte fait pire que la république. Les affaires allaient mieux.[17] It is truly fortunate that the French bourgeois should always hold their government responsible for commercial crises. No doubt Bonaparte is also to blame for the unemployment in New York and the bankruptcies in London.

Another very interesting piece of information (tu sens ici l'influence de l'illustre Seiler[18] ) about Bonaparte. Bangya, as I have already told you, is connected with Szemere and Batthyâny.[19] He is an agent of the latter's. He confided to me that Batthyâny and Czartoryski are in collusion with Bonaparte and see him nearly every day. He wants to secure allies behind the backs of Russia and Austria amongst the aristocratic émigrés and those streaming in from Poland and Hungary and has, moreover, definitely told them that, in spite of Nicholas and all the rest, he is going to invade Belgium and perhaps Baden as well, and this in the near future.

Ewerbeck has sent me 12 copies of his bulky work, L'Allemagne et les Allemands. One for you. Nothing quite like it has ever been seen or heard of before. The historical part, which begins ab ovo,[20] is copied from out-dated primers. You may judge how competent he is as regards more recent history from the following particulars: F. List introduced the doctrine of Free Trade, and Ruge that of social science, into Germany. Hegel has immortalised himself by (literally) enlightening the Germans on the categories of quality, quantity, etc., and Feuerbach has proved that men cannot extend their knowledge beyond the range of human understanding. Pedro Düsar (brother of the Struve woman) is one of the greatest German men of liberty, and Freiligrath made his name as a collaborateur on the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. On top of that a style à pouffer de rire,[21] e.g. how Jason's warriors grew from dragon's teeth, which is why the German tribes are perpetually at odds with one another. Romulus Augustulus était un jeune homme doux et agréable[22] and for three hundred years Germans have been used to hearing themselves referred to by their neighbours as des bêtes.[23]

Have you read Mazzini's simple-minded infamous speech?

Your

K. M.

  1. See this volume, pp. 32 and 37.
  2. On 16 February 1852, amidst alarming rumours of Louis Bonaparte's intention to invade the British Isles, Russell moved in Parliament a Local Militia Bill for England and Wales. The government was granted the right, in the event of an enemy attack, to increase the strength of militia detachments previously used only within their respective counties and to subordinate them to the regular army command. When the Bill was discussed in the House of Commons, Palmerston moved an amendment that it should apply also to Scotland and Ireland, and that the word 'Local' be deleted. Palmerston had recently resigned from the Cabinet (see Note 74) and the adoption of the amendment moved by him was considered by Russell as an expression of non-confidence in the government and served as a pretext for Russell's resignation on 20 February 1852. The Tory Cabinet headed by Derby was formed on 23 February 1852. The Bill became law in July 1852
  3. F. Engels, 'Real Causes Why the French Proletarians Remained Comparatively Inactive in December Last'. See also [E. Jones,] 'Continental Notes', Notes to the People, No. 43, 21 February 1852.
  4. In a letter of 6 February 1852 (with a postscript from Cluss) Weydemeyer informed Marx of the suspension of Die Revolution (see Note 2) and Cluss' and his intention to continue publication of Marx's works written in London, as announced in the first issue of the journal. Weydemeyer also wrote that on 4 February 1852 Dana published in the New-York Daily Tribune an article by Ludwig Simon (a deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly), 'Movements of the German Political Exiles', attacking Marx and Engels. The reference is to the former deputies of the Frankfurt National Assembly. The Frankfurt Left—the petty-bourgeois Left wing of the National Assembly which was convened after the March revolution in Germany and opened its session in Frankfurt on 18 May 1848. The main aim of the Assembly was to put an end to the political disunity of Germany and draw up an all-German Constitution. However it failed to take a decisive stand on the basic problems of the 1848-49 German revolution and ceased to exist on 18 June 1849
  5. Agitation and Emigration were the names Marx gave to two rival German petty-bourgeois refugee organisations in London which appeared in the summer of 1851—the Agitation Union headed by Ruge and Goegg and the German Emigration Club headed by Kinkel and Willich. The aim of both these small organisations was to raise money for an 'immediate revolution' in Germany
  6. Poor chap!
  7. Karl Vogt was a member of the Imperial Regency of five formed in Stuttgart on 7 June 1849 by the rump of the National Assembly which moved there from Frankfurt. The attempts of the Regency to implement by parliamentary means the Imperial Constitution, drawn up by the Frankfurt Assembly and rejected by the German princes, failed
  8. In writing about the King of Prussia being imposed on the German people Marx had in mind the all-German central government headed by a hereditary emperor and the Imperial Parliament—the Reichstag, which were envisaged by the Imperial Constitution drawn up by the Frankfurt Assembly. On 28 March 1849 the Assembly offered the imperial crown to Frederick William IV of Prussia but he refused to accept it from the 'people's representation'
  9. Cluss made a statement about the congress of American guarantors of the 'German-American loan' (see Note 27) to be held in Cincinnati on 3-8 February 1852. Cluss protested against being named as one of the guarantors. On Marx's instructions he exposed the adventurism of the whole idea. Cluss dispatched the text of the statement to Marx in London at the end of February 1852 and had it published in the Turn-Zeitung, No. 6, 1 March 1852
  10. a kick
  11. Citizen Fröbel will have acted as intermediary.
  12. gossip. Excerpts from Reinhardt's letter see on pp. 47 49 of this volume.
  13. This name was given in England to Free Traders who advocated government non-interference in economic life. In the 1840s and 1850s the Manchester men formed a separate political group which joined the Liberal Party as its Left wing in the 1860s. The centre of Free Traders' agitation headed by two textile manufacturers, Richard Cobden and John Bright, was Manchester
  14. force of circumstances
  15. Marx's letters to Lassalle mentioned here have not been found
  16. in case of need
  17. is doing worse than the Republic. Business used to be better.
  18. here you may descry the influence of the illustrious Seiler
  19. See this volume, p. 31.
  20. from the egg—from the very beginning
  21. to make one split one's sides
  22. was a nice, gentle young man
  23. beasts