Letter to Ferdinand Lassalle, February 23, 1852


MARX TO FERDINAND LASSALLE

IN DÜSSELDORF

London, 23 February 1852 28 Dean Street, Soho

Dear Lassalle,

I should greatly like to know whether my second letter[1] similarly failed to arrive. Knowing how punctilious you are about answering, I can only attribute the delay in hearing from you to some accident.

Since I last wrote my state of health has again improved, although I am still having much trouble with my eyes. My social circumstances, on the other hand, have deteriorated. I have had a definite refus[2] from the publisher in respect of my Economy[3] ; my anti-Proudhon manuscript[4] which for the past year has been wandering around Germany, has likewise failed to find a berth; the financial crisis has finally reached a level comparable only to the commercial crisis now making itself felt in New York and London. Unlike the gentlemen of commerce, I cannot, alas, even have recourse to bankruptcy. Mr Bonaparte was in similar straits when he chanced his coup d'état.

As to this Mr Bonaparte, I feel I can do no better than give you extracts from a letter conveyed to me by a friend in Paris,[5] un ami qui est très sceptique et qui ne partage pas les opinions les plus favorables sur le peuple. Maintenant, écoutez[6] :

'All in all, the mood of the Parisian public has experienced a noticeable change and, even though it has as yet not gone beyond resignation, this last is felt all the more genuinely and grimly, and far more generally. The main reason for this, among the middle and lower classes, is that trade and hence employment, despite initial favourable appearances, simply cannot be got going, whereas those same classes had sacrificed all other considerations to the hope that these things would improve. And then the slow-witted majority of the less advanced workers—which places more hope in the Republic than in the monarchies of long and bitter memory—has, as a result of Napoleon's decrees, gradually come to realise that the President is in no way concerned with the preservation of the Republic; and he has done himself great harm in the eyes of property owners by confiscating the Orleans' estates, a measure which, after all, sets a dangerous official example. Chaps such as Fould, de Morny and Dupin—for reasons of private interest of course—have even refused to subscribe to this measure, a fact all the more striking on account of their spotless antecedents, which are more or less common knowledge. As for Dupin, the President of the defunct National Assembly, it has since been learnt that his last pretty move was to suppress, on the morning of 2 December and with the connivance of Bonaparte, a letter from the Archbishop of Paris inviting the representatives to assemble in the church of Notre Dame while he himself intended to stand in the porch to protect them, in their capacity as the representatives of popular sovereignty, against the soldiers of the usurper. This might have given quite a different turn to the whole thing, the more so since the haute cour de justice[7] had assembled at the same time and had already begun to register a protest against the coup d'état.

'As for de Morny, the minister who resigned with Dupin, he was known as the escroc[8] of his mistress' (Countess Lehon's) husband, a circumstance which caused Emile de Girardin's wife to say that while it was not unprecedented for governments to be in the hands of men who were governed by their wives, none had ever been known to be in the hands of hommes entretenus.[9] Well, at present this same Countess Lehon holds a salon where she is one of Bonaparte's most vociferous opponents and it was she who, on the occasion of the confiscation of the Orleans' estates, let fall the well-known witticism: "C'est le premier vol de l'aigle."[10]

Because of this remark of his wife's, Emile de Girardin was expelled. Rémusat's expulsion is attributed to a similar cause. The latter is said to have arrived one morning at the Ministry of the Interior where Morny had installed young Lehon as Chef de Bureau; upon catching sight of Rémusat, Lehon rudely asked him his name, whereat R. replied: "Monsieur, dans ma famille on porte le nom de son père, c'est pourquoi je me nomme de Rémusat."[11] At much the same time Lehon is said to have had another row, on this occasion in Ham. When he gave General Le Flô official notification of expulsion, the general threw him out, shouting: "Comment, c'est vous, gredin, qui osez venir m'annoncer mon exil?"[12] In such circumstances, it is not difficult to assess how much respect a fledgling government will continue to command, even from the most mediocre of honnêtes gens.[13] A lady known to me personally, a ward of Napoleon's, who had been in close contact with him ever since she was a child, told him on 2 December that she would have nothing more to do with him, adding that he and his associates were a gouvernement de voleurs et d'assassins.[14] True, the real plutocrats continue to adhere to Napoleon as being the only possible expression of authority just now and the last bulwark of existing society, but their faith in the possible durability of his régime has been much undermined by his measures, with the result that, after a brief interval, they have again begun to hug their money, as is evident from the stagnant Bourse and the check to the revival of trade. Thus the President's only real following consists of those who are bound to him by the most blatant self-interest, along with the privileged clerical clique and the army, although considerable dissatisfaction and a feeling of uncertainty and irresolution has crept into the latter as a result of the many dismissals of Orleanist officers, a state of affairs which enormously impairs its power. Moreover, personally and in private, the President is said to be most anxious and downcast. Indeed, in this changed climate of opinion, all that is needed is the removal of his sorry person and everything would be thrown into chaos again without any effort. Little or no attempt would be made at resistance. In this connection the remark by the experienced Guizot, on learning of the successful coup d'état, is worthy of note: "C'est le triomphe complet et définitif du socialisme!"[15]

'Having both before and after fallen out with every party without exception, Bonaparte is seeking a counterbalance by means of this or that popular measure—vast expansion of public works, prospects of a general amnesty for the participants of 2 December, etc.—just as he will soon attempt something similar by means of this or that measure in favour of this or that class, and all without consistency of purpose. And what matters most of all is his failure to win back the masses, since he is unable to give them bread, i.e. any source of labour for their livelihood, and has actually deprived them of their favourite pastime, the innocent consolation they derived from the trees of liberty and the republican inscriptions in the streets; similarly they can no longer while away an hour in the wine and coffee shops, since all political discourse is strictly prohibited there. The peaceable bourgeois are angered by the loss of their hobby-horse, the National Guard... Nor do they fancy those aristocratic routs, the state balls, from which they stay away; thus, apart from foreigners and two or three Parisian exceptions, the only people to attend the last, splendide, Tuileries ball were ladies of doubtful virtue. The reckless squandering that goes on is a source of disquiet to the thrifty citizens, who look ahead to the day when the Orleans funds will be exhausted.

'What particularly offends all who have a modicum of intelligence is the destruction of the Press.

'Again, die organisation of the resuscitated Police Ministry and the spy system associated with it generates bad blood throughout the départements. The Parisian salons are again full of distinguished, unsuspected informers, just as in the days of the Empire.

'And all the time much tripotage[16] on the Bourse on the part of those who, in one way or another, arbitrarily grant or withdraw concessions for railways, etc., the instructions about which they alone had knowledge of, and upon which they speculate the previous day. It was believed that a secret college of Jesuits, headed by Montalembert, who had always been on terms of some intimacy with the President, exerted direct and immediate influence on his decisions; but as for Montalembert, it soon emerged that, after availing himself of his advice, Bonaparte suddenly dismissed him from his presence never to receive him again, so that ever since they have been the bitterest of enemies, and M., personally no less miserable, used the Orleans decree merely as a pretext for dissociating himself officially with honour. Now there is talk of nothing but B.'s craving for conquest. It will be his complete undoing.'

So much for my ami. The important news from here is that the Tories have replaced the Whigs, and formed a ministry headed by the Earl of Derby (Lord Stanley).[17] This événement[18] is splendid. In England our movement can progress only under the Tories. The Whigs conciliate all over the place and lull everyone to sleep. On top of that there is the commercial crisis, which is looming ever closer and whose early symptoms are erupting on every hand. Les choses marchent[19] If only we can manage tant bien que mal[20] through the interim period! It is nearly time for the post. I must close.

Salut.

K. Marx

  1. Engels replies to a letter of 9 February 1852 in which Weydemeyer acknowledged receipt of Engels' first letter dated 23 January (see this volume, pp. 15-19); Engels' earlier letters had not reached Weydemeyer
  2. rejection
  3. Marx refers here to his work on political economy which he started as early as 1843. He conceived it as a critique of bourgeois political economy and an analysis of the economic structure of bourgeois society in his time and its ideological basis. His initial research resulted in the writing of Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 (see present edition, Vol. 3) which were to serve as a basis for the whole work. On 1 February 1845, Marx signed a contract with Carl Leske, a Darmstadt publisher, for the publication of his two-volume 'Kritik der Politik und National-Ökonomie'. This plan did not materialise as a whole, however, because Marx was busy writing other works (The Holy Family, The German Ideology, etc.). The contract with Leske was cancelled in February 1847. Marx returned to his economic studies when he was in London, in the period of emigration, after the defeat of the 1848-49 bourgeois-democratic revolutions. From the spring of 1850 onwards he regularly visited the library of the British Museum, where he made a deep and thorough study of the economy of different countries, England in particular, critically analysed works by classic bourgeois economists, and made extracts from books by English, French, American and other economists and from official documents and periodicals. The notes and extracts made by Marx in the 1850s fill several dozen special notebooks. At that period Marx was especially interested in the history of landed property and rent, the history and theory of money circulation and prices, and economic crises. In 1851 and 1852 Marx renewed his attempts to find a publisher for his work on economics, but he could not find one either in Germany or in America. The vast stock of facts and theoretical material on political economy accumulated between 1850 and 1853 was systematised and arranged in the manuscripts of 1857-58 (also known as the Grundrisse), part of which, after a further revision, was published in 1859 as the first part of A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy. Work on the economic manuscripts of the 1850s was an important stage in Marx's writing his main economic treatise, Capital, published in 1867
  4. K. Marx, The Poverty of Philosophy.
  5. Reinhardt
  6. a friend who is very sceptical and does not have the highest opinion of the people. Now, listen:
  7. High Court of Justice
  8. swindler
  9. kept men
  10. 'It is the first flight (theft) of the eagle.' (This witticism and Madame de Girardin's remark cited above are used by Marx in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, see present edition, Vol. 11, pp. 196-97.)
  11. 'In my family, sir, we bear our father's name. That's why I am called de Rémusat.'
  12. 'What, it's you, you scoundrel, who dares to come and tell me of my expulsion?'
  13. respectable people
  14. government of thieves and murderers
  15. 'It is the total and definitive victory of socialism!'
  16. sharp practice
  17. This name was given in England to Free Traders who advocated government non-interference in economic life. In the 1840s and 1850s the Manchester men formed a separate political group which joined the Liberal Party as its Left wing in the 1860s. The centre of Free Traders' agitation headed by two textile manufacturers, Richard Cobden and John Bright, was Manchester
  18. event
  19. Things are moving.
  20. somehow