Letter to Karl Marx, August 12, 1869

Author(s) Friedrich Engels
Written 12 August 1869


First published abridged in Der Briefwechsel zwischen F. Engels und K. Marx, Bd. 4, Stuttgart, 1913 and in full in MEGA, Abt. III, Bd. 4, Berlin, 1931
Published in English for the first time in Marx-Engels Collected Works, Volume 43


ENGELS TO MARX

IN LONDON

Manchester, 12 August 1869

Dear Moor,

I have cut the Gordian knot regarding Schnaps[1] by simply informing Tussy of the FACT; whether this has plunged her into a natural conflict I do not know. Unfortunately, however, she now has something else to do, for, since last Friday, she has continuously had horrible toothache in the same tooth that gave her a lot of trouble earlier. So far she has borne the thing with astonishing heroism, but shortened sleep and the long nervous tension have had an effect, and today she looks somewhat exhausted. She said you didn't want the tooth to be pulled out; but I sent her today, since things could not continue thus, together with Lizzie to one of the leading dentists here, and told her she should submit to his judgement. After a long examination he said he hoped to save the tooth, but if the pain did not cease by Saturday morning, the tooth would have to come out. At all events, the child cannot stand this constant and nerve-racking pain every 6 months; her general health suffers far more from this than the whole tooth is worth. But I think I shall soon be able to give better news.

I must just call in at the Schiller Society,[2] and see what has happened in Eisenach.[3] On Saturday the two parties seem to have parted in peace, so they have at least avoided general fisticuffs.

The stupidity and meanness of the Urquhartites is demonstrated by the fact that they never mention:

RESIDENCE IN BULGARIA BY St. Clair, LATE CAPTN. 28. REGT, AND Ch, Brophy, 1869.

The book is written by two fellows, of whom St. Clair, a former Crimean officer who knows Turkish, Polish, Russian and Bulgarian, lived 3 years in the country, and the other 1½ years, and they are still there. The thing is written in a very lively and graphic style, and is worth more than any other book I know on the subject. For Englishmen the fellows are remarkably free of prejudices, though they have their blind-spots IN ECONOMICS and also IN POLITICS. But they can see. They arrived—at least Brophy did—as friends of the Christians, and changed their views completely in favour of the Turks. But since they also find their blind-spots in the Turkish governmental system (though here, too, they have something in common with Urquhart), the Urquhartites are not allowed to mention a book that is worth more than their entire Free Press, even from their own point of view. The FACTS in it are worth more to me than all the chatter by the Urquhartites, and SHORT-ARMED Collet can envy the two their description of Russian and French policy in Constantinople. The business is so described that you can read it, moreover with interest, and will be more useful here than 10 years of the Free Press with its oracular announcements.

Finished with Gottfried Ermen the day before yesterday.[4] Everything signed.[5] Finally completely free from the honorable gentleman.

Best greetings to all.

Your

F. E.

  1. ↑ Charles Etienne Lafargue; see this volume, p. 342.
  2. ↑ The Schiller Institute, founded in Manchester in November 1859 in connection with the centenary of Friedrich Schiller's birth, was conceived as a cultural and social centre of the city's German colony. At first Engels was critical of a society notorious for its tendency towards formalism and pedantry, and he kept aloof from it. But after certain amendments had been made to its Rules, he became a member of its Directorate in 1864, and later its President, devoting much time to it and exercising a considerable influence on its activities. In 1867-68, Engels was particularly occupied with its affairs since a new building was under construction. While Engels was away from Manchester in 1868, the Directorate invited Karl Vogt, who was connected with Bonapartist circles and had been casting aspersions on the proletarian revolutionaries, to give a lecture at the society. In view of this Engels decided that his political reputation would be compromised if he remained President (see this volume, p. 100 and present edition, Vol. 21, p. 18). On 2 October the secretary Davisson approached Engels on behalf of the Directorate asking him to reconsider his decision, but Engels refused. In April 1870 he was again elected member of the Directorate, but did not take an active part in its work.
  3. ↑ A reference to the all-German congress of the Social-Democrats of Germany, Austria and Switzerland held in Eisenach on 7-9 August 1869. Taking part in it were 263 delegates representing over 150,000 workers; the congress founded an independent revolutionary party of the German proletariat which was called the Social-Democratic Workers' Party. The congress adopted a programme which incorporated, word for word, the basic provisions of the International's Rules. The draft Programme was published in the supplement to the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 31, 31 July 1869. It showed some influence of Lassalleanism but was mostly based on Marxist principles. The congress defined the status of the Social-Democratic Workers' Party as a section of the International. Since the Prussian Law on Associations banned all societies which had contacts with other organisations, especially those abroad, the congress decided that the party members should join the International as private persons. It also discussed the organisational principles of the party. The plan proposed by J. Ph. Becker (see Note 409) did not meet with support. August Bebel, who made a report on the Programme and the organisational issue, emphasised the need to adopt Rules which would preclude a personal dictatorship. The Rules that were approved were drawn up along democratic lines.
  4. ↑ 10 August
  5. ↑ See this volume, p. 320.