Letter to Paul Lafargue, September 19, 1890

Author(s) Friedrich Engels
Written 19 September 1890


First published in: Marx and Engels, Works, Second Russian Edition, Vol. 37, Moscow, 1965
Published in English for the first time in Marx-Engels Collected Works, Volume 49


ENGELS TO PAUL LAFARGUE

AT LE PERREUX

London, 19 September 1890

My dear Lafargue,

Thank you for your good news.[1] If that's how things are, it would be truly idiotic of us not to do everything in our power to attend a congress where the very fact of our presence would give us the up- per hand.

So far as we are concerned, the following conditions are vital: 1) Convocation of the joint congress by the mandatories, and on the strength of the mandates, of the two 1889 congresses.[2] The Bel- gians and the Swiss would either sign one convocation only, or else the Belgians and the Swiss would convene on the strength of our man- date, and only the Belgians on the strength of the other mandate. This ought to be laid down in advance, as also the text of the convo- cation.

2) The absolute sovereignty of the congress, for which no preced- ing congress would have force of law.— Nor would it be bound in any respect whatever by any committee, whether nominated by one of the earlier congresses, or as the result of negotiations over a merger. It will establish its own rules and agenda and will alone determine the manner in which the verification of credentials is to be carried out.

3) The manner and the proportions in which the various associa- tions are to be represented at the congress to be laid down in advance.

4) An international committee, appointed as soon as a merger has been decided upon, will prepare draft rules and agenda on which the congress will pronounce.

Ad 2): The complete freedom of the congress is vital to ourselves because, once in a position to haggle over the agenda, rules, etc., the Possibilists and the Belgians would diddle us; our negotiators have al- ways been more naïve than theirs and the consequence would be an unending discussion of which everyone would lose the thread, thus making it impossible for us to lay the blame on the Possibilists. To the objection that the congress will be wasting valuable time, our rejoin- der will be that it behoves us first to create a joint congress which of it- self would be of vastly greater significance than any resolutions it might pass; that we do not have a mandate to constrain the future congress; that, once assembled, the congress may do away with re- strictions previously imposed upon it, etc. And, eventually providing the conditions laid down are satisfactory, we might after all make some concessions to the Belgians on that score.

Now, if you Frenchmen would amend, complete and fill out the de- tails of the above draft, you would be doing a worthwhile job.

This was the gist of my letter to Bonnier, though I can assure you that I never try to settle anything with him. My chief aim in writing to him was to make the idea of a merger acceptable to you all; now I have had your letter the whole discussion has become otiose.

I therefore wrote at once to Bebel, suggesting that the question be discussed at an informal international gathering at Halle.[3] If, to- gether with the official representatives of some of the smaller national- ities, we should then succeed in laying the foundations of a merger, it might be possible to approach the Belgians about it.[4] In fact, I asked Bebel to arrange, if possible, for a Belgian — preferably from Ghent — to be present.

Meanwhile I await your news on the opinion of Guesde, Deville, etc., and also the Blanquists.

The Idée nouvelle has sent me a list of subscriptions — what shall I do?

A Monsieur Ch. Caron, 8 rue du Croissant (thus evidently from the Idée nouvelle), has sent me a prospectus for the republication of so- cialist brochures and asks me for permission to publish my writings as well as those of Marx. Judging by these efforts, one might say that the French and particularly the Parisians are on the point of performing a miracle. But has this gentleman the wherewithal to publish even a single brochure? Please let me know, for I must reply within 4-5 days.[5]

Sonnenschein has sent me his account: £5.4 — of which 1/5 for Laura = £l.-.9, 1/5 for the children,[6] 1/5 for Tussy and 2/5 for the translators.[7] Here is the cheque for Laura. Meissner's account will probably arrive soon, but if the expenses of the 4th edition[8] are al- ready included in it, which I do not know, there will be little or noth- ing.

The Boulangist revelations could not be more edifying. Congratu- late yourself on having been able to resist when the Boulangists tempt- ed you. But what idea does that give you of the political capacity of the Parisian public! To have been duped, what am I saying, freneti- cally egged on by this simple ne'er-do-well who gives his word as a soldier to the royalists provided that they pay him the expenses of his good fortunes! Pfui Teufel![9] Fortunately the province is there to make amends for Parisian foolishness. It's incredible![10]

Hyndman celebrates the immortal Joffrin in Justice, and says that it is him and the Possibilists who have crushed Boulanger and saved the republic.[11] He ought to know that the case of the Possibilists is too desperate in Paris to come and lie so impudently.

Give Laura a kiss from Nim, myself and Schorlemmer who arrived the day before yesterday.

Yours ever,

F E.

Will send you the last number of the Sozialdemokrat in a day or two. Ede Bernstein is staying here to send reports on England, partic- ularly to the Neue Zeit. Fischer is going to Berlin to join the Vorwärts, and will get a seat in the Reichstag as soon as occasion arises. Tauscher is going to Stuttgart. As for the great Julius Motteler, no one yet knows what is to be done with him. He is the party's greatest incubus — in his own eyes an unrecognised genius, in those of every- body else ineptitude personified.

See if you can arrange for Guesde and Vaillant to go to Halle[12] ; Guesde will have to take Bonnier as interpreter.

  1. ↑ In a letter of 16 September 1890 Paul Lafargue told Engels the French socialists considered it possible to hold an international socialist congress in Brussels in 1891 since the Possibilists had lost all influence among the Belgians and Dutch and there were no grounds to fear for the success of the congress.
  2. ↑ In the autumn of 1890 the General Council of the Belgian Workers' Party, acting on a mandate from the Possibilist congress (see Note 53), sent out invitations for an international workers' congress to be held in Brussels in 1891. Since the executive committee of Swiss socialists set up on the instructions of the 1889 Paris Interna tional Socialist Workers' Congress (see Note 51) for the purpose of convoking another congress had failed to take any action until September 1890, the danger arose of two international congresses being held simultaneously in 1891.
  3. ↑ Engels' letter to Bebel has not been found. In his reply, dated 23 October, Bebel wrote: 'Holding a sort of conference in Halle would be a good thing and easy to ar range because apart from the French and Nieuwenhuis there would be three or four Austrians there.'
  4. ↑ The International Socialist Conference in Halle was held on 16 and 17 October 1890, while the Congress of German Social-Democracy was meeting there (see Note 12). The conference was attended by German Social-Democrats and the represen tatives of nine socialist parties who took part in the congress as guests. In keeping with Engels' recommendation, the conference decided to hold a united socialist congress in Brussels in 1891 (see Note 135) which was to be attended, among others, by the Possibilists and their supporters. The Possibilists' participation was made contingent on their recognising the complete sovereignty of the congress — none of the decisions of the earlier congresses, the 1889 Possibilist congress included, was to be binding on it. For details see Engels' article 'The International Workers' Con gress of 1891' (present edition, Vol. 27, pp. 72-75).
  5. ↑ See next letter.
  6. ↑ Longuet's children
  7. ↑ Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling
  8. ↑ of the first volume of Capital
  9. ↑ Hang it all!
  10. ↑ Engels evidently means the position of non-interference adopted by the Workers' Party during the Boulangist crisis and the press reports concerning Boulanger's re ceiving financial aid from the royalists. He may also be referring to the Boulangists' defeat at the municipal elections held between 27 April and 4 May 1890.
  11. ↑ This refers to the leading article, 'The Death of a Hero', in Justice, No. 349, 20 Sep tember 1890.
  12. ↑ to the congress of the German Social Democratic Party