Letter to Paul Lafargue, October 13, 1893

Author(s) Friedrich Engels
Written 13 October 1893


First published in: F. Engels, P. et L. Lafargue, Correspondance, t. III, Paris, 1959
Printed according to the original
Translated from the French
Published in English for the first time in Marx-Engels Collected Works, Volume 50


ENGELS TO PAUL LAFARGUE

AT LE PERREUX

London, 13 October 1893

My dear Lafargue,

Is the Paris letter in today's Vorwärts from you? This is why I am asking. When I was in Berlin,[1] Liebknecht said he was arranging to take you on as correspondent for Vorwärts, but that the money had still to be voted by the Party Committee; in the meantime he asked me to tell you that it was a matter of regular work, of letters to be sent at stated intervals, once a week or a fortnight, for example, something which so far he had not been able to get from his French correspondents. I promised I would write to you about it as soon as he let me know that the matter had been clinched between you two.

I used the opportunity to reproach him for setting such store by any anti-Russian article of Vaillant's,[2] which he always faithfully reprints, whereas far more robust anti-Russian articles, published by Le Socialiste over a long period, have been passed over almost unnoticed by him. He apologised and promised to do better.

But he has not written a word about the matter of your correspondence, and he goes on translating and making much of Blanquist statements, even translating the Chauviere.[3]

He has, moreover, reprinted an article by young Arndt,[4] although this chap voted all the time with Argyriadès & Co. against the Germans at Zurich.[5] And Arndt is on the Blanquist revolutionary Central Committee.

So as you see Liebknecht leans very strongly towards the Blanquists. I'm not looking for reasons, I simply state the fact. Hence it is important that you should do everything, in despite of him, to maintain the position you have always held in relation to the German party: that of its main allies in France, who have first claim to be taken into consideration in relations between the German party and the French Socialists in general. And, to this end, you must be represented on Vorwärts, so that the Paris correspondence should be, at least to some extent, in your hands.

Of course the decision does not rest solely with the editorial board. The Executive Committee has something to say. And I am convinced that you will find support there, if it is needed. It goes without saying that I shall do my utmost to ensure the continuation of a close alliance between the German party and your party in France (which will not commit you to taking their money, that can always go to the Blanquists, if you don't want any more of it,[6] as you say; they will be delighted to take it). So let me know how far you have got with Liebknecht concerning your appointment as regular Vorwärts correspondent; and without delay, for, if there are difficulties, I must be able to take steps before the Cologne Congress on the 22nd of the month.[7]

Going by Le Socialiste, I counted on our having twelve deputies. It is true that, knowing no more than half of them even by name, I had my doubts about their reliability. But, according to your letter, you do not seem to know so far as half of them are concerned whether they are our people or not. Very unfortunate. With 12 sound chaps, led by Guesde, we should soon have been able to compel the Blanquists,[8] Allemanists,[9] etc. to fall in with us. But if we can look to only half-a-dozen reliable people, we shall have to treat with these gentlemen on a more or less equal footing, in which case the old divisions may continue, or else, if there is unity, it will be achieved at the price of sacrifices in matters of principle.

Certainly Vaillant seems very much more sensible since his election than he was six months ago, but will he always be sure of a majority on his Central Committee? Or else, to make sure of it, may he not have to sacrifice his personal opinion on matters of substance to the prejudices of those silly conspirators?

It is sad that you were beaten at Lille.[10] You sacrificed yourself for the party: instead of nursing your constituents by assiduous parliamentary activity, you travelled about and collected votes for others. But the fact remains we need you in the Chamber too; and I hope you will get the first vacant seat.

The new paper will not—like the last one—be advertised 'to appear in October', I hope?[11] Will not La Petite République Française bar the way? This is another outcome of the Millerand-Goblet alliance;[12] you gave them far more help than they gave you in return. It's one thing for Millerand, but Goblet! an ex-Minister and candidate for the premiership!

Tomorrow I shall write a few words to Laura on business—I cannot manage it today, I have been interrupted all the afternoon and it is now past 5 o'clock. In the meantime, kiss her for me.

Greetings from Louise.

Ever yours,

F.E.

  1. ↑ From 1 August to 29 September 1893 Engels made a tour of Germany, Switzerland and Austria-Hungary; he visited Cologne and then, together with A. Bebel, went to Zurich via Mainz and Strassburg; thence he went to the Canton of Graubünden for several days to meet his brother Hermann. Upon his return to Zurich on 12 August, Engels attended the final session of the International Socialist Working-Men's Congress in Zurich (see Note 229), where he made a short speech in English, French and German (see present edi-tion,Vol. 27, pp. 404-05) and, on behalf of the Bureau, closed the session. After a fortnight's sojourn in Switzerland, Engels left for Vienna through Munich and Salzburg; in Vienna, on 14 September, he addressed a meeting of Social-Democrats (see present edition, Vol. 27, pp.406-07). Then, via Prague and Karlsbad (Karlovy Vary), he went to Berlin and stayed there from 16 September to 28 September; on 22 September he spoke at a Social-Democratic meeting (see present edition, Vol. 27, pp. 409-10). Thereupon Engels returned to London by way of Rotterdam.
  2. ↑ Vaillant, "Zarismus und Republikanismus", Vorwärts, No. 222, 21 September 1893
  3. ↑ E. Chauvière, "Die französische Russenseuche", Vorwärts, No. 238, 10 October 1893
  4. ↑ P. Arndt, [Letter], Vorwärts, No. 221, 20 September 1893
  5. ↑ Since the International Socialist Working-Men's Congress in Zurich was being held on the eve of the election to the French Chamber of Deputies, the leaders of the French Workers' Party were unable to attend. The French delegation comprised 41 men of whom only two (Bonnet and Bonnier) represented the Party. The other delegates were from non-Marxist parties and political groups: the Possibilists (see Note 30), the Independent Socialists (Jaclard), the Blanquists (see Note 20) [Degay and Rémy], etc. The French delegation distinguished itself by its inconsistent voting and its opposition to Bebel's theses and to the majority at the Congress.
  6. ↑ In view of the Socialists' success at the elections to the French Chamber of Deputies in August-September 1893 (see Note 208), the reactionary press mounted a campaign of slan-der accusing them of being German agents on the pretext that German Social-Democrats had donated 2,500 francs to the election fund. In this connection P. Lafargue wrote to Engels on 5 September 1893 that French Socialists had better not receive money from Germany in the future.
  7. ↑ Engels means a congress held by the Social-Democratic Party of Germany in Cologne on 22-28 October 1893. The congress heard the reports of the Party Executive of the Social-Democratic group in the Reichstag, and discussed the Party press, the labour union move-ment and its support by the Social-Democrats, May Day celebrations in 1894, as well as August Bebel's report Antisemitismus und Sozialdemokratie'. The delegates came out against Social-Democrats taking part in the election to the Prussian Landtag and against any compromises with the bourgeois parties.
  8. ↑ Blanquists (les blanquistes)—supporters of Louis A. Blanqui who, after leaving the Workers' Party {Le Parti français ouvrier, see Note 11), set up an organisation of their own, the Central Revolutionary Committee (Comité Révolutionnaire Central) in 1880. After Blanqui's death in 1881, E. Vaillant, E. Eudes and E. Granger came into the Committee's leadership. The Blanquists upheld the slogan of a general strike and advocated the inde-pendence of labour unions from the party. They opted for political struggle at the expense of economic struggle. During Boulangism (see Note 6) the Blanquists broke into two factions; one with Edouard Vaillant at the head came out against General Boulanger and thus made common cause with the Workers' Party, while the other (E. Granger, E. Roche), having cooperated with the Boulangists, walked out of the Central Revolutionary Committee and fell apart soon after.
  9. ↑ Allemanists {les allemanistes)—supporters of the French socialist Jean Allemane. After a split in the Possibilist Party (see Note 30), the Allemanists formed a Revolutionary-Socialist Workers' Party {Le Parti ouvrier socialiste-révolutionnaire) in October 1890; this party existed up to 1905. Considering economic struggle above the political one and opposing excessive parliamentarism, the Allemanists concentrated their efforts on propaganda work in labour unions {les syndicats) and assigned the political party of the proletariat but a secondary role. A significant part of their activity was devoted to campaigns to win seats at municipal councils.
  10. ↑ The hope that Paul Lafargue would be elected to the French Chamber of Deputies did not materialise. In order to defeat his opponent, Lafargue (as well as Gustave Dron, an oppor-tunist candidate) had to receive 3,000 votes in his constituency. During the election campaign Lafargue and Dron reached an agreement whereby Socialists in Dron's constituency were to cast their votes for him, Gustave Dron, while pro-opportunist candidates in Lafargue's constituency were to vote for his candidacy. While the Socialists secured a victory for Dron, the opportunist electorate cast their votes for Lafargue's opponent.
  11. ↑ On 10 October 1893 P. Lafargue wrote to Engels about the plan to start a newspaper that could enable the Workers' Party to rise to a leading position in the French Socialist press. Here Engels recalls that in 1892 Le Socialiste had announced that it would be a daily news-paper as of October 1892; the announcement began with the words 'pour paraître en Octobre' ('to appear in October'). In actual fact, Le Socialiste continued as a weekly.
  12. ↑ In his letter to Engels on 23 February 1893 Lafargue wrote in part that the French Workers' Party (see Note 11) and the Radical Socialists (the Radical Left Wing, see Note 86), who were led by Etienne Millerand and Jean Jaurés, had agreed on cooperation in the August-September 1893 elections to the Chamber of Deputies and that they planned to launch an agitation campaign in Northern France on 5 March.